Adjacent to
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Graph · Organisation
01 · In focus
The structured facts the source records about Intervozes — Coletivo Brasil de Comunicação Social, the count of declared adjacencies in the corpus, and the federation map zoomed on this node and its neighbours.
organisation
↑8 declared connections
02 · Connections
Split by direction. Direct links are the ones Intervozes — Coletivo Brasil de Comunicação Social’s source record names; inferred backlinks are records elsewhere in the corpus that point at this entity.
4 links
Links named in this entity's structured fields.
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4 links
Other records that name this entity.
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03 · Background
Body prose as it appears in movement-graph’s published markdown for this entity. Links to other corpus entities resolve to their graph page; links to deeper repo paths are kept as text so the page does not invent a route.
Intervozes — Coletivo Brasil de Comunicação Social — is the São Paulo-headquartered Brazilian collective that has, since its 2003 founding, worked for what it describes in its own framing as "o direito humano à comunicação no Brasil" — the human right to communication in Brazil — and which has become the principal Brazilian civil-society anchor on platform regulation, content-moderation policy, and biometric-surveillance accountability sitting alongside the corpus's Coding Rights entry as the country's second major civil-society organisational anchor on the make-AI-good axis. Where Coding Rights pairs feminist-tech research with creative-and-speculative methodology, Intervozes pairs the older Brazilian direito à comunicação media-democracy tradition with the courts-and-Congress register of strategic-litigation and legislative-advocacy work — the two complementary on-ramps through which Brazilian civil-society has reached the AI policy and accountability files.
Intervozes was founded in 2003 as a collective of activists and professionals — communication, law, architecture, the arts — committed to communication as a human right and to freedom of expression as a precondition for a democratic society. The organisation is registered as a non-profit civil-society organisation with Brazil's Comptroller General, is headquartered in São Paulo, and operates as a collective distributed across 15 Brazilian states and the Federal District — a deliberately decentralised geography that reflects the organisation's framing of communication rights as a federal-and-territorial rather than a São Paulo-centric question.
The current Gestão 2023-2024 governance structure is three-tier. The Coordenação Executiva (Executive Coordination) — Ana Claudia Mielke (SP), Gyssele Mendes (RJ), Iara Moura (CE), Olívia Bandeira (SP), Pedro Ekman (SP), Pedro Vilaça (BA), Ramênia Vieira (DF), and Viviane Tavares (RJ) — runs the organisation's day-to-day administration, operations, and external articulation. The Conselho Diretor (Board of Directors) — chaired by Alfredo Portugal (BA) and including Aline Braga (SE), Bruna Hercog (BA), Gabriel Rosa (SP), Iano Flávio (RN), Jonaire Mendonça (BA), and Tâmara Terso (BA), with Ana Carolina Westrup (SE), André Pasti (SP), and Iraildon Mota (PI) as alternates — sets and oversees Intervozes's political directives. The Conselho Fiscal (Audit Board) — Eduardo Amorim (PE), Iago Vernek (SP), and Rodolfo Vianna (SP), with Nataly Queiroz (PE), Raquel Baster (SP), and Ana Veloso (PE) as alternates — handles the organisation's financial-oversight function. The geographic spread of the named leadership across Bahia, Sergipe, Rio Grande do Norte, Pernambuco, Piauí, Ceará, the Federal District, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paulo is itself a recurring feature of the organisation's self-presentation — the collective is not a São Paulo-only operation with regional satellites.
Intervozes's public mission statement — that "a sociedade só pode ser chamada de democrática quando as diferentes vozes, opiniões, culturas e raças que a compõem têm espaço para se expressar" / "a society can only be called democratic when the different voices, opinions, cultures and races that comprise it have space to express themselves" — anchors a programme portfolio that has evolved from a 2003-era focus on mass-media concentration into the contemporary integration of ICT policy, platform regulation, and digital-rights work. The current project portfolio spans monitoring of media-ownership concentration among Brazil's fifty largest outlets, technology access in rural / Indigenous / quilombola communities, communication and gender-based violence, Amazon-focused disinformation work, energy-transition coverage, football broadcasting-rights distribution, and Big Tech regulation in Latin America. The four programme areas the APC member page records — ICT policy monitoring, communication-policy and media-system oversight, civil-society mobilisation and awareness-raising, and cross-sector interconnection — describe the operating-mode rather than the topic taxonomy: the organisation works through monitoring, mobilisation, and coalition-building rather than through narrow programmatic verticals. The annual Diracom Direito à Comunicação no Brasil report is the organisation's principal recurring publication line, with the 2022 edition (released October 2023, edited by Ana Maria Veloso, Patrícia Paixão, and Paulo Victor Melo) providing the field's running record of the Brazilian communications environment.
Intervozes's principal published contribution to the corpus's biometric-surveillance file is the São Paulo Metro facial-recognition lawsuit, filed on 3 March 2022 and co-led with the Public Defender's Office of the State of São Paulo, the Federal Public Defender's Office, the Brazilian Institute for Consumer Defense (Idec), ARTIGO 19 Brasil e América do Sul, and the Coletivo de Advocacia em Direitos Humanos (CADHu). The complaint challenged the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo's deployment of facial-recognition cameras across the subway system serving roughly four million daily passengers — a more than R$50 million biometric-facial-data collection programme operating without passenger consent — on the combined statutory grounds of the General Law on Data Protection (LGPD), the Consumer Defense Code, the Code of Users of Public Services, the Statute of the Child and Adolescent (ECA), the Federal Constitution, and Brazil's international human-rights treaty obligations. The requested remedies were immediate cessation of facial-recognition operations and at least R$42 million in compensation for collective moral damages.
On 23 March 2022, a São Paulo State court issued an injunction ordering the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo to halt the facial-recognition system. The Metro appealed; in mid-April 2022 the same court rejected the appeal — flatly dismissing the Metro's claim that the system "rigorously obeys the General Law on Data Protection". The litigation is the corpus's principal recorded application of the LGPD against state-owned public-infrastructure biometric surveillance, alongside the earlier 2018 Idec lawsuit against ViaQuatro for emotion-recognition cameras on Line 4 (a separate proceeding that produced a R$100,000 fine and a deployment ban in 2021). Pedro Ekman from Intervozes's Executive Coordination is named on the public statement of the case. The decision has been cited across the Brazilian biometric-surveillance debate as a precedent for the kind of LGPD-grounded constitutional case the #TireMeuRostoDaSuaMira coalition has subsequently built around the demand for a total federal ban on facial recognition in Brazilian public security.
Through the #TireMeuRostoDaSuaMira / Take My Face Off Your Sight coalition — the over-70-organisation civil-society demand for a total ban on facial recognition in Brazilian public security, coordinated by the Coalizão Direitos na Rede — Intervozes is one of the lead signatory organisations alongside Coding Rights, ARTIGO 19 Brasil, Access Now, Idec, the Electronic Frontier Foundation, the Internet Freedom Foundation, and the Tor Project. The coalition's substantive case, anchored on the open letter's published text, joins three Brazilian-specific arguments to the wider international case against state biometric surveillance: that Brazil — the country with the third-largest incarcerated population in the world — faces intensified rather than ordinary discriminatory-surveillance risks from FRT given the structural racism in Brazilian policing; that facial-recognition systems' reliance on contested body-classification taxonomies is acutely dangerous in the country with the highest reported rate of murders of trans people; and that no LGPD-based technical or legal safeguard can fully eliminate the threat the technology poses to constitutional rights. The coalition's 24 March 2023 representation at the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office is the principal recorded federal-level application of the coalition's demand to date, complementing the parallel Coding Rights #SaiDaMinhaCara campaign at the state and municipal legislative levels.
Intervozes is a founding member of the Coalizão Direitos na Rede — the over-40-organisation Brazilian civil-society coordinating vehicle for digital-rights work whose member field includes ARTIGO 19, Coding Rights, Centro de Tecnologia e Sociedade da FGV-RJ, Idec, Instituto Beta, Instituto Igarapé, Instituto Nupef, ITS-Rio, LAVITS, Marco Civil Já, and PROTESTE. The coalition's areas of action — access, freedom of expression, personal-data protection, internet privacy, and regulation of digital platforms — define the platform-regulation file inside which Intervozes has been a principal voice on Brazil's PL 2630/2020 "Lei Brasileira de Liberdade, Responsabilidade e Transparência na Internet" (the "PL das Fake News" platform-regulation bill) and on Brazilian platform-accountability proceedings before the Supreme Court. Intervozes's public position on platform regulation pairs strong support for the principle of democratic regulation of large technology platforms — combating disinformation, hate speech, and the asymmetries of unaccountable algorithmic curation — with sharp criticism of specific bill mechanisms that would expand state surveillance, notably the metadata-retention regime for viral messages the Coalizão has opposed as a violation of LGPD principles and constitutional privacy guarantees. Ramênia Vieira (DF) and Olívia Bandeira (SP) from the Executive Coordination have been the organisation's principal public voices on these files, with Vieira monitoring the Congressional process and Bandeira representing Brazilian civil society at international convenings on platform regulation.
The substantive Intervozes position on AI policy follows the same pattern: the organisation argues for democratic AI regulation — independent oversight, prohibited high-risk use cases, fundamental-rights guarantees — and against industry-led carveouts that would shield platform-recommendation and social-media-content-curation algorithms from high-risk classification. In the Coalizão Direitos na Rede's July 2024 open letter calling for FRT bans in the federal AI Bill (PL 2338/2023), Intervozes was among the over-50-civil-society and academic signatories pressing for the principle that biometric-surveillance prohibitions belong inside the framework AI legislation rather than only inside sectoral data-protection regimes.
Beyond its Brazilian coalition work, Intervozes is an APC member since July 2017 — joining the Association for Progressive Communications's 73-member global civil-society network — and contributes through APC to United Nations engagement on freedom-of-expression and disinformation files, including joint stakeholder submissions on the UN Universal Periodic Review process and submissions to UN Special Rapporteurs. APC's Intervozes profile names the organisation's regular collaborators in this internationalised work as ARTIGO 19 Brasil, Derechos Digitales, Indigenous Peoples Rights International, and the Manila Observatory KLIMA Centre — a partner field that pairs Latin American and Global South civil-society organisations on digital-rights and environmental-justice files. Intervozes's Brazilian and Latin American collaborations are dense — the Coalizão Direitos na Rede membership groups much of the country's digital-rights field; the #TireMeuRostoDaSuaMira coalition extends the field internationally — but its principal Latin American organisational anchor outside Brazil is Derechos Digitales on the Chilean / Spanish-language regional-advocacy side, with which it shares the APC partnership and overlapping coalition memberships.
Intervozes's funding model is the foundation-grants-plus-coalition-funding pattern standard among Brazilian civil-society organisations operating in the post-2016 regulatory and political environment. The Ford Foundation is the principal recorded long-running international foundation funder — the Ford Foundation's grants database records a $250,000 grant approved in June 2013 for the June 2013–May 2016 grant period, the second of two recorded grants to Intervozes since 2006. The organisation does not publish a comprehensive funder list on its public site; coalition-level grants channelled through the Coalizão Direitos na Rede and APC's sub-granting mechanisms also support specific lines of work. Intervozes does not accept corporate funding from the large media or technology platforms it monitors and litigates against — a discipline that aligns with its sister Latin American digital-rights peers and is load-bearing for the credibility of its platform-regulation and biometric-surveillance positions.
In the corpus's frame, Intervozes occupies the Brazilian media-democracy / right-to-communication tradition retooled around platform regulation, content-moderation policy, and biometric-surveillance litigation on-ramp — distinct from but complementary to Coding Rights's transfeminist creative-and-speculative-methodology on-ramp on the other Brazilian civil-society pole. Three features distinguish it from its corpus peers. The first is the collective identity rather than an NGO identity — Intervozes operates as a distributed activist-and-professional collective across 15 states and the Federal District, governed by a three-tier elected structure rather than as an office-and-staff non-profit, and its programme decisions reflect the federated rather than the centralised model. The second is the right-to-communication / media-democracy framing as the load-bearing political tradition the organisation extends into the AI and platform-regulation work — the older Brazilian media-concentration and broadcasting-regulation field gives the contemporary platform-regulation positions a continuity of analytical vocabulary (concentration, plurality, democratic regulation) that single-mandate digital-rights NGOs typically lack. The third is the strategic-litigation register paired with legislative advocacy the São Paulo Metro lawsuit and the Coalizão Direitos na Rede's PL 2630 / PL 2338 / Supreme Court interventions exemplify — the organisation works through court orders and Congressional engagement at scale, complementing the campaign and coalition vehicles that anchor much of the rest of the field. In the corpus's Latin American geography, Intervozes pairs with Coding Rights as the two anchoring Brazilian civil-society poles on the make-AI-good axis, and with Derechos Digitales on the wider Latin American digital-rights coordination layer through APC, Al Sur, and the #TireMeuRostoDaSuaMira coalition.
04 · Sources
12 sources listed from the pinned corpus. Links are shown only when the source URL is a valid HTTP(S) address.
Intervozes's own Portuguese-language home page — primary source for the organisation's self-framing as "uma organização que trabalha pela efetivação do direito humano à comunicação no Brasil", for its presence "em 15 estados brasileiros e no Distrito Federal", and for the current programme portfolio spanning media ownership and concentration monitoring, energy transition and media coverage, technology access in rural / Indigenous / quilombola communities, gender-based violence and communication, Amazon-focused disinformation, football broadcasting rights, and Big Tech regulation in Latin America
Association for Progressive Communications member page for Intervozes — independent secondary source for the 2003 founding, the São Paulo headquarters with members across more than 10 Brazilian states, the July 2017 admission as an APC member, the organisation's evolution from a mass-media focus to integrating ICT and digital-rights work, the four named areas of work (ICT policy monitoring; communication policies and media-system oversight; civil-society mobilisation; cross-sector interconnection), the 2022 lawsuit against the São Paulo Metro's facial-recognition system, the 2018 public statement on the Brazilian presidential elections, contributions to UN Universal Periodic Review processes, joint stakeholder submissions on privacy and data protection, and the named partner field (ARTIGO 19 Brasil, Derechos Digitales, Indigenous Peoples Rights International, Manila Observatory KLIMA Centre)
Intervozes's own Gestão 2023-2024 leadership page — primary source for the three-tier governance structure (Conselho Diretor, Conselho Fiscal, Coordenação Executiva), for the named Executive Coordination (Ana Claudia Mielke SP, Gyssele Mendes RJ, Iara Moura CE, Olívia Bandeira SP, Pedro Ekman SP, Pedro Vilaça BA, Ramênia Vieira DF, Viviane Tavares RJ), for the Conselho Diretor (Alfredo Portugal BA, Aline Braga SE, Bruna Hercog BA, Gabriel Rosa SP, Iano Flávio RN, Jonaire Mendonça BA, Tâmara Terso BA, with Ana Carolina Westrup SE, André Pasti SP, and Iraildon Mota PI as alternates), and for the Conselho Fiscal (Eduardo Amorim PE, Iago Vernek SP, Rodolfo Vianna SP, with Nataly Queiroz PE, Raquel Baster SP, and Ana Veloso PE as alternates)
Intervozes's own 3 March 2022 announcement of the São Paulo Metro facial-recognition lawsuit — primary source for the 3 March 2022 filing date, for the six co-plaintiff coalition (Public Defender's Office of the State of São Paulo, Federal Public Defender's Office, Idec, Intervozes, ARTIGO 19 Brasil e América do Sul, and CADHu Coletivo de Advocacia em Direitos Humanos), for the legal grounds cited (General Law of Data Protection / LGPD, Consumer Defense Code, Code of Users of Public Services, Statute of the Child and Adolescent / ECA, Federal Constitution, international treaties), for the surveillance-system details (Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo deployment, four million daily users, over R$50 million investment, biometric facial-data collection without consent), for the requested remedies (immediate cessation plus at least R$42 million in collective moral damages), and for Intervozes spokesperson Pedro Ekman
Global Voices 20 June 2022 reporting on the São Paulo Metro facial-recognition ruling — independent international secondary source for the 23 March 2022 São Paulo State court order against the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo to cease facial-recognition operations, for the mid-April 2022 reaffirmation rejecting the Metro's LGPD-compliance appeal, for the six-organisation civil-society plaintiff field, and for the Brazilian regulatory-landscape context (no comprehensive facial-recognition regulation in Brazil; 47 facial-recognition projects across 15 Brazilian states by 2019)
Tire Meu Rosto da Sua Mira / Take My Face Off Your Sight open letter — primary source for the over-70-organisation civil-society coalition led by the Coalizão Direitos na Rede demanding a total ban on facial-recognition technologies in Brazilian public security, for the named signatory field (Intervozes, Coding Rights, ARTIGO 19 Brasil, Access Now, IDEC, Electronic Frontier Foundation, The Tor Project, Internet Freedom Foundation, and dozens more), for the substantive arguments (Brazil's third-largest-incarcerated-population status; the disproportionate impact on Black Brazilians under structural racism in policing; the disproportionate impact on trans people in the country with the highest rate of murders of trans people; the LGPD framework's insufficiency to eliminate the threat; the public-private transparency gap), and for the 24 March 2023 representation filed at the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office
Coalizão Direitos na Rede / Network Rights Coalition own home page — primary source for the coalition's framing as Brazilian civil-society's principal digital-rights coordination vehicle, for the main areas of action (access, freedom of expression, personal-data protection, internet privacy, regulation of digital platforms), for the over-40-member structure, and for Intervozes's membership alongside ARTIGO 19, Coding Rights, Centro de Estudos da Mídia Alternativa Barão de Itararé, Centro de Tecnologia e Sociedade da FGV-RJ, Idec, Instituto Beta, Instituto Igarapé, Instituto Nupef, ITS-Rio, LAVITS, and Marco Civil Já
Intervozes's own Coalizão Direitos na Rede explainer page — primary source for Intervozes's role as a founding member of the coalition, for the Coalizão's personal-data protection campaign work, and for the campaign's self-framing as fundamental to "garantir uma Internet com acesso universal, respeito à neutralidade da rede, liberdade de informação e expressão, segurança e respeito à privacidade e aos dados pessoais"
CartaCapital Intervozes blog on the progress of PL 2630/2020 — primary source for Intervozes's position on Brazil's "Lei Brasileira de Liberdade, Responsabilidade e Transparência na Internet" / "PL das Fake News", for the organisation's concurrent support for democratic platform regulation and criticism of the bill's metadata-retention mechanism for viral messages, for Ramênia Vieira's role as a Director monitoring the Congressional process, and for the wider Coalizão Direitos na Rede co-position
Intervozes's own publication record for the Diracom Relatório Direito à Comunicação no Brasil 2022 — primary source for the organisation's annual "Right to Communication in Brazil" reporting line, for the October 2023 release of the 2022 edition, for the editors (Ana Maria Veloso, Patrícia Paixão, Paulo Victor Melo), and for the report's subject as an overview of the communications field in the final year of the Bolsonaro government
Intervozes's own projects index — primary source for the current programme portfolio: energy transition and media coverage; communication rights as a collective struggle with technology in service of territories; media ownership concentration among Brazil's 50 largest outlets; digital security and sovereignty; football broadcasting rights distribution; the historical "A sociedade ocupou a TV" public-television engagement archive; the "Sem comunicação democrática, não há democracia" democratic-communication framing; responsible-coverage standards; and the linkage between disinformation, environment, democracy, and human rights
Ford Foundation grants database record for Intervozes-Brazil Social Communication Collective — primary source for the funder relationship, with a recorded $250,000 grant approved June 2013 for the June 2013 to May 2016 grant period (two grants in total from the Ford Foundation since 2006, per the database aggregate)
Source: entities/organizations/org-intervozes.md in movement-graph at pin 3cc1a36.